By Katherine Kawalerczak,
CRRC-Armenia International Fellow
In this post, four sets of survey question
responses from the Caucasus Barometer for Armenia (2011, 2015) are analyzed and
compared: (1) Ideal number of children per family; (2) Preferred gender of the
child; (3) Having an abortion – Always justified or never justified; (4)
Getting a divorce – Always justified or never justified. These four sets of
questions are operationalized to represent “family values,” which for the
purpose of this post, refers to attitudes and practices surrounding the
maintenance of the “traditional” nuclear family unit (a husband and wife and
their child(ren)).
Comparison of 2011 and 2015 responses to
these questions reveals that while negative attitudes toward divorce and
abortion are slowly declining, a significant number of respondents still hold
negative or ambivalent views of these practices. In terms of attitudes toward
children, it appears that the ideal number of children per family is
increasing, with 76% of respondents in 2015 indicating that the ideal number of
children is 3 or more (Figure 2.1). This ideal does not align with Armenia’s
total fertility rate, which was 1.36 children/woman in 2009, and 1.64
children/woman in 2017.
Related to these issues is boy preference
and sex-selective abortions, interconnected phenomena which continue to impact
Armenian society. Underlying this entire post is what the United Nations
Population Fund refers to as “patriarchal and ‘traditional’ rigid social norms
and perceptions” in Armenia, surrounding such issues as masculinity, femininity,
sexuality, gender equality, and relationships within families.
Preferred Gender of the Child
According to a United Nations Population
Fund (UNFPA) report, Armenia has one of the world’s highest gender imbalances
at birth: in 2013, 114 boys were born for every 100 girls in Armenia (compared
to the natural ratio of 104-6 boys for every 100 girls). This trend has been
attributed to both cultural preference for boys and advancements in ultrasound
technology, resulting in a high demand for sex-selective abortions.[1] Despite
new legislation illegalizing sex-selective abortions and campaigns geared at
educating the public about the negative consequences of sex imbalances, on both
society and the status of girls and women within it, boy preference remains a
serious issue facing Armenian society.
In 2010, the Caucasus Barometer for
Armenia posed the following question: “If a family has one child, what would be
the preferred gender of the child?”[2] 54% of
respondents indicated that they would prefer a boy, 35% said it did not matter,
and 10% indicated a girl (Figure 1.2). Culturally, boys are preferred in
Armenia, and in other countries with high sex ratios at birth, because they
preserve the bloodline and family name, and are expected to care for their parents
in their old age; in contrast, girls are expected to join the household of
their husband’s family.
During the Soviet period, the issue of boy
preference was solved through large family sizes: couples would keep having
children until the desired son and heir arrived. Indeed, Armenia had one of the
highest fertility rates in the Soviet Union, with an average of more than four
children per woman in the 1960s.[3] The
fertility rate has fallen drastically since this time, in large part due to the
economic, political and social instability wrought by the breakup of the Soviet
Union, the war with Azerbaijan, and the 1988 earthquake. In 1990, the fertility
rate was 2.6 children per mother.[4] The
current fertility rate (2017 est.) is 1.64 children per woman.[5]
If the economic situation in Armenia is
such that most couples cannot have large families, the sex of their first,
second, and/or third child becomes much more important. For couples desperate
to have a son, prenatal ultrasound screening and sex selective abortions were
considered viable options until recently. Now that sex selective abortions are
illegal in Armenia, and perhaps in part due to public awareness campaigns, the
sex ratio at birth is declining: in the beginning of 2017, 111 boys were born for
every 100 girls (compared to 114/100 in 2013).[6] It
remains to be seen if a cultural preference for boys can truly be eradicated,
however. Many activists within Armenia believe that the key to overcoming the
practice of sex selective abortions is “changing the value of the girl, and
women’s equal status in [Armenian] society.”[7]
Preferred Number of Children
While the total fertility rate in Armenia
is currently 1.64 children per woman (2017 est.), the 2011 and 2015 Caucasus
Barometer data shows that the ideal number of children per family is
high, and continues to increase. In 2011, 3% of respondents believed one child
was ideal, 28% said two children, 38% said three children, 21% said four
children, 8% said five or more children, while 1% indicated that they did not
know or would rather not respond (Figure 1.1). Three children was considered to
be ideal by the largest percentage of respondents. The second most popular
choice was two children.
In the 2015 Caucasus Barometer, two new
response options were added: “six or more children” and “whatever God will give
us.” The data shows that the percentage of respondents who believe three or
more children is ideal is increasing: 1% said one child was ideal, 19% said two
children, 44% said three children, 24% said four children, 5% said five
children, 3% said six or more children, 2% said whatever God will give them,
and 2% did not know or did not wish to respond (Figure 2.1). While three
children remains the most popular choice, as in 2011, the percentage of respondents
who chose this option in 2015 increased by 6%. The second most popular option
in 2015 was four children (24%), versus two children in 2011 (28%).
The possible explanations as to why some
individuals desire large families but may not go on to have them are numerous:
economic instability or precariousness; disagreement between couple about how
many children is ideal; deciding to stop having children after a son is born;
living in an environment which favors small families (urban versus rural); and
others. While it is beyond the scope of this post, the Caucasus Barometer data
can be further segregated to reveal which factors impact the desire for larger
versus smaller families (i.e. urban versus rural residence, religiosity,
gender, income level, age). For instance, statistics have shown that Armenian
families with four or more children are far more likely to live in poverty than
families with fewer children.[8]
Abortion
Induced abortions are legal in Armenia,
and for many years, abortions were one of the most common methods of birth
control in the country.[9] However,
data from the Caucasus Barometer indicates that the practice is viewed
extremely negatively in Armenia. In 2011, the majority of respondents, 71%,
said that abortion can never be justified (Figure 1.3). In 2015, that
figure decreased significantly, to 56% (Figure 2.2). However, that still leaves
over half of respondents who are staunchly opposed to the practice, regardless
of mitigating factors.
According to UNFPA, over 40% of Armenian
women have had at least one abortion (2017 est.). One proposed explanation
behind this relatively high rate is that affordable contraceptives are not
widely available, and many people believe them to be harmful.[10] A 2016 UNFPA
survey found that 67.8% of respondents believed that contraceptives had bad
side effects for women, while 40.4% believed it is morally wrong to use
contraceptives. At the same time, 78.8% of respondents believed that intimate
partners should use a form of contraception if they are not ready to have a
child.[11]
This disinformation or ambivalence toward
other methods of contraception, including condoms, coupled with the practice of
prenatal ultrasound screening for sex and subsequent sex selective abortions,
may factor into Armenia’s total abortion rate. As for negative views of
abortions, other factors must be investigated, including overall levels of
self-assessed religiosity and cultural and/or social expectations and pressures
in favor of large families.
Divorce
According to the 2011 Caucasus Barometer
for Armenia, the majority of respondents, 56%, indicated that divorce can never
be justified, 3% believed that it could always be justified, and 37% fell
somewhere in between these two extremes (Figure 1.4). In 2015, those numbers
changed significantly: only 34% believed that divorce could never be justified,
6% believed it could always be justified, and 57% fell somewhere in between
(Figure 2.3). This change might indicate that traditionally rigid attitudes
toward marriage - that the union must be upheld regardless of incompatibility,
intimate violence, or other factors - are slowly changing in Armenia. The
heated public debates surrounding violence against women and girls, and the
resulting legislation criminalizing domestic violence, may likewise be a reflection
of a broader trend in Armenian society toward greater gender equality.[12]
That being said, there remains a strong,
conservative voice in Armenia advocating against these developments,
claiming that they run counter to “traditional Armenian values” and serve to
undermine the fabric of Armenian society, the patriarchal family unit.[13] The
idea of a clash between the traditional “Eurasian Family” and a “Western
agenda” of greater rights for women and LGBTQ individuals which will inevitably
lead to moral and demographic decline holds significant sway in Armenia, and is
connected with Russian soft power influence.[14] Whether
this “anti-genderism” will continue to impact attitudes and practices within
Armenia, including those related to marriage and family planning, remains to be
seen.
Sources:
Andrew, Jack. “’Our community loves boys
more.’ Armenia’s missing girls.” The Financial Times (11 October 2017). https://www.ft.com/content/a4ecb4a2-713f-11e7-93ff-99f383b09ff9
Armenpress. “Sex-selective abortions to be
forbidden by law in Armenia.” (19 January 2016). https://armenpress.am/eng/news/832472/
The Caucasus Research Resource Centers.
“Caucasus Barometer 2015 Armenia.” Retrieved through ODA - http://caucasusbarometer.org
The Caucasus Research Resource Centers.
“Caucasus Barometer 2011 Armenia.” Retrieved through ODA - http://caucasusbarometer.org
CIA World Factbook. “Armenia.” (2017). https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/resources/the-world-factbook/geos/am.html
Janbazian, Rupen. “Armenia Adopts Law
against Domestic Violence at Last.” The Armenian Weekly (8 December
2017). https://armenianweekly.com/2017/12/08/armenia-adopts-law-domestic-violence-last/
Khojoyan, Sara. “Armenia: Large Families
Hardest Hit by Poverty.” Institute for War and Peace Reporting (5 April
2012). https://iwpr.net/global-voices/armenia-large-families-hardest-hit-poverty
Pujol-Mazzini, Anna. “Armenians urged to
value their women as abortions of girls skew population.” Reuters (9
October 2017). https://www.reuters.com/article/us-armenia-women-abortion/armenians-urged-to-value-their-women-as-abortions-of-girls-skew-population-idUSKBN1CE08P
Shahnazarian, Nona. “Eurasian Family
versus European Values: The Geopolitical Roots of “Anti-Genderism” in Armenia.”
PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo (October 2017). http://www.ponarseurasia.org/memo/eurasian-family-versus-european-values-geopolitical-roots-anti-genderism-armenia
United Nations Population Fund. “Men and
Gender Equality in Armenia: Report on Sociological Survey Findings.” (2016). http://armenia.unfpa.org/en/publications/men-and-gender-equality-armenia
[1] United Nations Population Fund, “Men and
Gender Equality in Armenia: Report on Sociological Survey Findings,” (2016).
[3] Jack Andrew, “’Our community loves boys
more.’ Armenia’s missing girls,” The Financial Times (11 October 2017).
[7] Anna Pujol-Mazzini, “Armenians urged to
value their women as abortions of girls skew population,” Reuters (9
October 2017).
[8] Sara Khojoyan, “Armenia: Large Families
Hardest Hit by Poverty,” Institute for War and Peace Reporting (5 April
2012).
[12] Rupen Janbazian, “Armenia Adopts Law
against Domestic Violence at Last,” The Armenian Weekly (8 December
2017).
[14] Nona Shahnazarian, “Eurasian Family versus
European Values: The Geopolitical Roots of “Anti-Genderism” in Armenia,” PONARS
Eurasia Policy Memo (October 2017).
The content of this blog is the sole responsibility of the author and does not necessarily reflect the views of CRRC-Armenia.
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